This materials started out qualitative in which speeches have

This chapter will define the
methodology, which will allow the researcher to come to a conclusive analysis
through the research questions and also specify operational definitions, which
will be used through the entire research.

3.1       The Research Design

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The methodological
framework of the study is based on a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of a
qualitative method. The materials started out qualitative in which speeches
have been taken into account for the study. In the analysis of these speeches,
the paper focuses specifically on the power patterns of Jinnah and on the distribution
and organization of pronominal features such as personal and possessive

3.2       Data collection

The data for the
speeches was obtained from the internet, (see References
for specific details). These were scripted speeches delivered by first Governor
General of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1947-1948). All of the speeches were
delivered in the sub-Continent but at different venues including Universities,
the Constituent Assembly, Governor House and Broadcasts done from All India
Radio. A total of twelve speeches were chosen from the internet, out of which
eight are after the Independence i.e14 August 1947, and four of them in the
year 1947 were purposively selected. According to the data collected, I, first
of all, focus on the ideology of power as presented by Jinnah in his speeches
which is drawn through the pronominal distribution in three main areas: first
person, second person and third person pronouns

3.3     Population
and Sampling

Muhammad Ali Jinnah delivered
many speeches on different occasions. The sample of the study consists of
twelve of his Post-Establishment speeches. These speeches were delivered
between the years 1947 to 1948. All of these speeches were delivered on
different occasions according to the events.

3.4       The Selected Method(s) of Data Analysis

The conceptual basis to analyze and
investigate all the speeches is instructed from the Critical Discourse Analysis
framework by Norman Fairclough perspectives in addition to some persuasive strategies
of political discourse. Through the use of this framework, it is potential to
highlight power and discourse, which will be our main focus in these speeches.
Accordingly, it is likely to link the social practice and the linguistic
practice as it shows in these speeches. So, the macro and micro analysis of
discourse as put forward by Fairclough (1989) would be the ultimate objective
to achieve. The prime analytical tool of the present thesis depicts the three-dimensional
method of discourse analysis, as introduced by Fairclough (1992), namely, the
language text, whether spoken or written, discourse practice, and the
socio-cultural practices. These dimensions would be sought for throughout the
thesis in a fashion which hopefully integrates them totally. The thesis also discusses the
organization, selection and distribution of pronouns within the twelve selected
presidential speeches, and tries to explicate that personal attitude and
political ideologies can be reflected in the use of pronouns or pronominal
features. I take a stylistic approach in the current paper to examine how
pronominal selection can possibly express politicians’ attitudes and their
personal ideologies. In selecting speeches as the subject of my analysis, I
have tried, as far as possible, to make the choice both representative and

Limitations of the study

This study features a
range of limitations that ought to be thought-about. Firstly, the research is
limit to 12 speeches delivered. In fact, the research left behind several
alternative speeches worthy of abundant attention and tutorial scrutiny. Besides,
the researchers choose a few ways to put down the most discourse findings
concerning the speeches. The researcher don’t invoke alternative ways that do
undoubtedly merit investigation and which might hints claims with predominant
importance regarding these speeches. Further, the most theme of this thesis is concentrated
towards linguistic functions rather than from the political ones. Hence, this
study isn’t meant to create political claims.