Set in the British province of Nigeria in the 1940s, The Joys of Motherhood details the biography of an Ibo lady named Nnu Ego who gets away from the lowness of a childless first marriage by escaping to the far off city of Lagos to begin once again with a second spouse. Nnu Ego’s straightforward dream of turning into a mother; a dream established in the social estimations of Ibo society, where parenthood is simply the essential wellspring of a lady’s regard and open status-is cheerfully understood a few times over in this new setting. The delights related with parenthood that the protagonist so enthusiastically envisions, in any case, are at last nullified by the troublesome monetary states of her new urban condition. To put it plainly, there are so few openings for work for her husband to seek after (and so little aspiration on his part to seek after them) that Nnu Ego spends as long as she can remember on birthing children and working without stopping as a cigarette merchant to fight off the hunger and poverty that constantly frequent her family. “Her love and duty for her children were like her chain of slavery (Emecheta, 126). The novel concentrates on this overwhelming fight, a fight that finishes in a misfortune for Nnu Ego, as she witnesses her adored children grow up and leave Nigeria for good and her girls wed and move away. Nnu Ego’s expectations of experiencing her last years in the organization of her grandchildren vanish before she turns forty, and she kicks the bucket along the edge of a nation street, alone and unnoticed.In Ibo society, the women assumed an alternate part before the far reaching impact of British rule. As Kamene Okonjo brings up, the prevalent view that African ladies were weak or potentially insignificant in the male-overwhelmed groups of Ibo culture is a gross misguided judgment (Okonjo). While men’s work was broadly thought to be more lofty than ladies’ work, and keeping in mind that the act of polygamy and patrilocal home (married women abiding in their spouses’ towns instead of in their own) secured men’s control over the women by and large, Ibo ladies still employed impressive impact both inside their relational unions and inside the bigger group. Ladies, for instance, were a noteworthy power in the general public’s agrarian economy: they planted their own harvests, sold their product overflow (and that of their spouses), and applied selective control over the operation and administration of the town showcase, the site where all neighborhood business occurred (Okonjo).Women’s impressive nearness in the monetary and political domains of the town gave them huge say in how the town was run and guaranteed that their needs would not be disregarded. Shockingly, the act of polygamy worked in unobtrusive approaches to add to this result. While polygamy was not an impeccable conjugal course of action, it was appropriate to the agrarian way of life of the Ibo individuals and contained a few implicit systems that enabled ladies to better adapt to the weights of that sort of way of life. As Janet Pool observes, polygamy permitted co-spouses, for instance, to “form a power-bloc within the family,” a power-alliance that was famously compelling in constraining a generally adamant husband to carry on in routes suitable to his wives (Pool). Polygamy additionally facilitated the workload of Ibo ladies by making it a typical practice for ladies of a similar union to share local tasks, for example, cooking and looking after children. This advantage was especially worthwhile with regards to Ibo society, for Ibo ladies were urged to have various youngsters significantly a greater number of kids than they were most likely ready to oversee without anyone else (Pool). At long last, notwithstanding the social distinction met upon those related with such a union, polygamy secured the financial interests of ladies by guaranteeing that a given family had enough individuals, that is, adequate physical work to deliver and gather an abundant product (Pool).It would be incorrect to assert, even in light of the foregoing facts, that the status of women in pre-colonial Ibo society matched the status of men, for this was simply not the case. However, although women of African agrarian societies did not enjoy the same roles and privileges as men, they were equal to men in all the ways that counted: they had equal access to resources and to means of production (Mullings). As Mullings goes on to explain, the shift of indigenous Africa from subsistence-based societies to money-based societies (a shift precipitated by British colonialism) upset this power balance by introducing a new type of production called cash-cropping. Planting crops for cash (as opposed to planting crops for food or exchange) was a form of labor that was quickly taken up and dominated by African men. Cash-cropping proved so superior to other forms of productive labor within the context of the new capitalist economy that it immediately undercut the value of women’s work (which was not aimed at producing cash) and rendered such work practically superfluous (Mullings).These actualities are vital to comprehend the hardships experienced by the female protagonist of Buchi Emecheta’s novel. As the novel makes clear, Nnu Ego is a casualty of this recently foreign industrialist society, a general public in which African ladies are required to keep performing customary obligations and duties in a financial setting where that work is no longer of any market esteem. At the end of the day, Nigeria’s progress from a tribal culture and a tribal good esteem framework to a Western entrepreneur framework with every one of its advantages and traps has happened to the detriment of ladies like Nnu Ego, who have traded one type of man controlled society with another, while being stripped of previous benefits and denied the privilege to new ones.Ketu Katrak’s investigation of the impacts of the pioneer entrepreneur framework on ladies’ sociopolitical circumstance in Nigeria affirms that the nearby economy was in reality a noteworthy power in adding to the enslavement of ladies like Nnu Ego (Katrak). Katrak clarifies, for instance, that while African men were permitted to enter the formal economy of pilgrim Nigeria by getting employments that paid standard wages, African ladies were prohibited from this circle and were edged rather into the casual and profoundly insecure economy of road-side hawking: “Women were forcibly kept outside of the wage market dominated by men in this Nigeria of the 1930s and 1940s (Katrak).”The gender bias engraved in the new, overwhelming industrialist framework turns out to be pulverizing for Nnu Ego, who is forced to keep up her part as a conventional spouse and mother paying little heed to the way this new framework conflicts with the achievement of that part. Nnu Ego’s banned access from dependable methods of generation limits her to levels of neediness that make it about outlandish for her to bolster, dress, and teach her eight kids. This would not have been the circumstance in her tribal town of Ibuza, where Nnu Ego’s harvest yield would have supported her vast family, and where Nnu Ego and the other ladies of the group would have controlled key segments of the nearby economy through the generation and trade of family products and ventures.